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The Rise and Decline of U.S. Merchant
Shipping in the Twentieth Century, Pedraja, Rene De La, 1992, Twayne
Publishers, New York, New York. Pages 54 to 58
The Shipping Board in World War I
The law creating the Shipping Board had
been approved on 7 September 1916, yet four months passed without any action.
Finally, in January 1917, the five members of the Shipping Board took office,
with William Denman, an admiralty lawyer, as chairman. Four precious and
irreplaceable months had been lost, and not even Germany’s declaration of
unrestricted submarine warfare on 31 January could galvanize the Shipping Board
into action; its last commissioner, because of an unexpected resignation, was
not appointed until March. When Congress declared war against Germany and the
Central Powers on 6 April 1917, the Shipping Board was not at all prepared to
address, much less solve, the tremendous wartime shipping crisis.
Ten days after the declaration of war, the Shipping Board used the authority in
the 1916 legislation to create a subsidiary, the Emergency Fleet Corporation.
Originally designed to study and award contracts for shipbuilding, the
Emergency Fleet Corporation and its parent soon realized that the government
would have to embark on a massive construction program of its own. All
available shipyards were booked sold for years with foreign orders for merchant
ships and navy contracts. The role of the Emergency Fleet Corporation changed
from being a bureaucratic office to being the largest industrial enterprise of
the war. By now serious doubts existed over the capacity of lawyer Denman to
conduct the gigantic shipbuilding program, and in April Major General George
Goethals was brought in as general manager of the Emergency Fleet Corporation,
with full authority over shipbuilding but subordinate to Denman, who was its
president.
Gen. Goethal’s credentials were impressive: in addition to having had a
distinguished military career, he had overseen the construction of the Panama
Canal. Goethals was also accustomed to running a one-man show without
interference from anyone, making a clash with his weak superior Denman
inevitable. The rivalry between the two compounded the earlier four months’
delay in getting the Shipping Board organized. If the Wilson administration had
wished to use Goethal’s extraordinary organization talents and driving force,
he should have been put in charge either of the Shipping Board or of an
entirely separate agency devoted exclusively to shipbuilding. Instead, his
subordinate position of general manager was guaranteed to generate the maximum
strife; soon the Shipping Board was divided into Goethals and Denman factions,
and the controversy surfaced in the press starting on 26 May. Last-minute
efforts to patch up the differences merely prolonged the crisis, the finally
President Wilson intervened to accept the resignation of both Goethals and
Denman on 24 July. (13)
The vast amounts of money, resources, and personnel the government had poured
into the Shipping Board and the Emergency Fleet Corporation had helped them
grow into strong organizations, but the fact remained that the Denman-Goethals
controversy had resulted in the misuse, if not outright loss, of six more
months. President Wilson at last found the right man for the job, appointing
Edward N. Hurley as the new chairman of the Shipping Board and president of the
Emergency Fleet Corporation. Hurley took office on 27 July 1917 and promptly
established clear lines of authority for the subordinate managers. A successful
businessman with prior government experience, Hurley was a driving, energetic
individual who was happy to surround himself with highly competent people. Once
Hurley was in charge, the United States rapidly began to catch up on all the
lost ground and wasted time.
The shipping difficulties were tremendously compounded by the U.S. entry into
World War I on 6 April 1917. Hurley inherited the large and apparently
insoluble problem of carrying and supplying U.S. troops. To transport General
John J. Pershing and the vanguard of the American Expeditionary Force to
France, the Shipping Board had to strip the coastwise and intercoastal
steamship companies like Luckenbach, American-Hawaiian, and the Ward Line of
their passenger liners and add three of the navy’s four troop transports, one
of the U.S. - flag passenger liners of the International Mercantile Marine, and
two passenger-cargo ships of the United Fruit Company. The motley flotilla
sailed under U.S. Navy escort on 14 June but it was unable to carry the whole
force. As only one of the ships had been designed for transatlantic travel,
they were simply too small. Reluctantly the Shipping Board had to turn to
British-Flag ships, including those of the International Mercantile Marine, to
transport the overwhelming majority of the American Expeditionary Force, with
Navy escorts along part of the voyage being the only U.S.-flag Participation.
(14)
The Shipping Board had no time or resources to build passenger liners, because
each boatload of American soldiers delivered by the British ships to France
increased the pressure to supply larger amounts of supplies and equipment.
Quite naturally, the Shipping Board focused almost exclusively on freighters
for its shipbuilding program. The shortage of freighters, rather than abating
with the delivery of new ships, became more critical as the war continued,
because Gen. Pershing gradually shifted his target goal from a 60-division, to
an 80-divison, and finally to a 100-division army. The fear always remained
that whenever the war ended, Britain would use its near-monopoly over passenger
liners to blackmail the United States by refusing to return home the million
American soldiers in France; if the Shipping Board refitted freighters at
immense cost into troopships, then the gap left in commercial trade routes
would promptly be filled by the British steamship companies eager to regain
control over the world’s commercial sea lanes. (15)
Distrust of British imperial and commercial designs never left the Shipping
Board or the Wilson administration, but it could not shake the determination to
field and support the large army that was needed to defeat Germany in France.
All vessels already existing or under construction were mobilized by the
Shipping Board in a three-step process.
The first measure was to commandeer the German and Austrian vessels interned in
American ports since the outbreak of World War I in 1914. Customs officials
seized the 97 vessels on 6 April 1917. The day of the declaration of war, but
some of the German crews still managed to damage the ships. All the enemy ships
were welcome, and in tonnage they vastly exceeded the prewar U.S.-flag foreign
trade fleet; particularly valuable were the passenger liners, including the
Vaterland, renamed the Leviathan, the second largest ship then afloat in the
world. By midsummer 1917, the German ships were repaired and put back in
service under the U.S. flag, a task complicated by the location of many of
these ships in overseas possessions ranging from Puerto Rico to the distant
Philippines and Samoa. (16)
The second step was the requisition on 3 August 1917 of all vessels under
construction in U.S. shipyards, except for U.S. Navy orders. Allied countries
and many neutral nations had placed considerable orders for ships, to the point
that the shipyards were booked for years to come. Hurley realized upon assuming
office that his backlog would not allow the Emergency Fleet Corporation to
carry out an efficient shipbuilding program, and hence he requisitioned the 431
hulls under construction. In effect, the government took control of the private
shipyards, which, although technically still under private ownership, now could
be coordinated into the larger shipbuilding program. Only navy orders were
spared, and the navy’s own yards continued to work feverishly on military
construction.
The third measure came on 12 October 1917 when the Shipping Board requisitioned
all U.S. -flag ships over 2,500 deadweight tons. Prior that date, the Shipping
Board had requisitioned individual vessels from steamship companies for
specific voyages or indefinite periods, but by the last measure the Shipping
Board in effect took full control of the entire oceangoing fleet of the United
States, both in domestic and foreign trades. The owners of the ships became
operators for the Emergency Fleet Corporation and were very generously
compensated for the use of the ships by special expense-sharing arrangements,
but full authority to allocate the vessels rested with the government. (17)
The Shipping Board now had to coordinate the movements of the seized German
ships, the 431 hulls requisitioned and soon to be completed, and the vessels
from its own rapidly growing shipbuilding program. Primary responsibility for
allocating and controlling the vessels assigned to the private operators full
initially to the special Division of Operations created within the Shipping
Board in September 1917. This division essentially took care of the
government-owned or requisitioned fleet; to deal with the skyrocketing freight
rates in neutral vessels, the Shipping Board created a separate Chartering
Committee shortly thereafter. No chartered vessel could clear a U.S. port
unless its charter had first been approved by the Chartering Committee; this
power was used to force neutral vessels at reasonable rates into those routes
that had been neglected but that were considered essential for the war effort
and for the supply of raw materials into the United States. (18)
Coordination between the Chartering Committee and the Division of Operations
was a time-consuming task for the Shipping Board, which was enmeshed in
countless technical and commercial issues. Chairman Hurley decided the time had
come for some wise delegation, and on 11 February 1918 he created the Shipping
Control Committee and placed it under the most prestigious American steamship
executive of the day, P.A.S. Franklin, who stepped down as president of the
International Mercantile Marine for the duration of the war. Hurley made the
appointment on his own because he feared that some past squabble might lead
President Wilson to block the appointment, but soon the president became a
strong believer in Franklin’s abilities. Franklin introduced a very simple
principle: All merchant ships belonged to a single pool and were utilized as
soon as the need to move cargo materialized. All departments and agencies of
the government forwarded to Franklin their shipping needs, and he made sure the
ships appeared and the cargoes were delivered. In Hurley’s term, Franklin was a
“shipping dictator” who with the full backing of the Shipping Board strove for
the most efficient allocation of all merchant vessels. As a seasoned steamship
executive, Franklin performed the delicate chess game of moving the right ships
around the world to pick up and deliver the cargoes without wasting time or
equally valuable space. (19)
The Shipping Control Committee’s outstanding success could not hide the fact
that the United States was critically short of ships and that repeatedly during
the war it had to turn to British and other Allied tonnage to move not just the
American Expeditionary Force but also cargoes vitally needed both in Europe and
the United States. The submarine campaign made the shortage more critical, but
even without submarines the shipping shortage was real enough. The ultimate
solution lay in building more ships and in training more American to become
seamen and officers in the merchant fleet. A crash recruiting and training
program produced large numbers of competent seamen, but foreign crews continued
to remain vital throughout the war; it was simply impossible to create such
large numbers of experience seafarers on such short notice, no matter how much
money and personnel the government suddenly deployed to meet the crisis
situation. (20). Even an intensive shipbuilding program could not compensate
for many years of maritime neglect. Hurley launched the Emergency Fleet
Corporation into a full-speed-ahead building program that eventually was highly
productive, but nothing could hide the fact that the United States rode the
waves to victory in World War I on British ships. With the existing shipyards
clogged with orders, The Shipping Board had to assume the immense start-up
expenses of creating its own yards from scratch. Government yards were
established throughout the country, but the greatest concentration of the,
including the largest (Hog Island), lay within 50 miles of Philadelphia. If the
shipbuilding program had begun promptly upon the creation of the Shipping Board
in September 1916, a larger number of ships would have been delivered sooner,
but instead the program was barely getting off the ground by late 1917. When
the war unexpectedly ended on 11 November 1918, the Emergency Fleet Corporation
had laid a little over 1,400 keels but delivered only about a third that number
of completed ships. Yet the shipbuilding program was in full swing at last, and
Hurley had to decide what the Shipping Board should do about huge projected
output for 1919. (21)
Notes to the original text:
(13) Edward N. Hurley, The Bridge to France (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott,
1927), 27-29; Safford, Wilsonian Maritime Diplomacy, 95-103.
(14) Kaufman, Efficiency and Expansion, 120-22; Baughman, The Mallorys, 250.
(15) Hurley, Bridge to France, 120-25, 129-32; Safford, Wilsonian Maritime
Diplomacy, 176-77, 180.
(16) Report, 8 April 1917, and “Data on German vessels seized by the United
States,” Secret and Confidential Correspondence of the Office of the Chief of
Naval Operations and the Office of the Secretary of the Navy, Record Group 80,
National Archives.
(17) Hurley, Bridge to Finance, 31-38-, 42-44.
(18) Baughman, The Mallorys, 25-155; Hurley, Bridge to France, 94-100; Link,
Papers of Wilson, 45: 42-44.
(19) Baughman, The Mallorys, 255-58; Hurley, Bridge to France, 101-5.
(20) U.S. Shipping Board, First Annual Report (Washington, D.C.: Government
Printing Office, 1917), 15-16; Hurley, Bridge to France, 209-214.
(21) Robert B. Albion, Seaports South of Sahara: The Achievements of an
American Steamship Service (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1959), 71-79;
Kaufman, Efficiency and Expansion, 188-90.
About The Statue of Liberty-Ellis Island
Foundation, Inc.
The Statue of Liberty-Ellis Island Foundation, Inc. is a non-profit
organization founded in 1982 to raise funds for and oversee the historic
restorations of the Statue of Liberty and Ellis Island, working in partnership
with the National Park Service/U.S. Department of the Interior. In addition to
restoring the monuments, the Foundation created a museum in the Statue’s base
and the world-class Ellis Island Immigration Museum, The American Immigrant
Wall of Honor® and the American Family Immigration History Center®. Its
endowment has funded over 200 projects at the islands.
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